Author: Rebecca Ekpe || Vice President Ghana Journalists Association ( GJA)
Ghana’s 1992 Constitution is once again at the centre of a national conversation. More than three decades after its adoption, there is growing consensus that the country’s constitutional framework should be critically examined to determine whether it continues to meet the aspirations and needs of Ghanaians.
The Constitution has provided the foundation for Ghana’s democratic journey, particularly under the Fourth Republic. But the country has changed significantly since 1992, and so have the expectations of citizens.
One major concern is the concentration of power in the Executive, alongside questions about the effectiveness of Parliament and other institutions in providing adequate checks and balances.
But constitutional democracy is about more than elections and changes in government.
It is also about how power is exercised, how institutions work, how citizens participate, and whether governance translates into better opportunities and improved living conditions for ordinary people.
And this is where the current constitutional reform process becomes particularly important.
THE REVIEW PROCESS
President John Dramani Mahama initiated the current review process with the establishment of the Professor H. Kwesi Prempeh Constitution Review Committee, tasked with undertaking a comprehensive examination of Ghana’s constitutional framework and making recommendations for reform.
The Committee subsequently presented its report to the President, after which government issued its position on the recommendations.
The process has now moved beyond simply identifying areas for reform to the more challenging question of how those reforms will actually be implemented.
Government has consequently inaugurated an 11-member Constitution Review Implementation Committee, chaired by Presidential Legal Counsel and former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Marietta Brew.
The Committee is expected to examine the Prempeh Committee’s report together with government’s position paper and develop a framework for implementing the proposals government has accepted or intends to pursue.
THE CALL FOR A ROADMAP
But civil society organisations involved in the process say implementation must not be left open-ended.
The Citizens Platform on Constitutional Reforms, convened by CDD-Ghana, STAR-Ghana Foundation and Democracy Hub, is calling for a clear implementation roadmap backed by law.
The Platform wants government to introduce and secure the passage of a Constitutional Reform Implementation and Roadmap Act.
Such legislation, it argues, should clearly establish:
What reforms are to be undertaken;
Which institution is responsible for each stage;
And when each stage must be completed.
The proposed roadmap would also provide milestones for public consultations, preparation of legislation, parliamentary consideration, civic education and, where necessary, referendums.
For the Citizens Platform, the principle is straightforward:
The Constitution belongs to the people.
And if it belongs to the people, citizens should be able to see clearly what is being proposed, who is responsible for implementing it, and the timeframe within which the work should be completed.
WHY THE TIMELINE MATTERS
There is another significant concern.
The reform proposals reportedly involve more than 50 amendments and more than 14 bills, including new legislation and amendments to existing laws.
Given the scale of the exercise, civil society actors argue that the process may not realistically be completed within the lifetime of one Parliament.
It could extend beyond the 2028 general elections and potentially into another parliamentary term and administration.
That raises an important question:
What happens if there is a change of government before the reforms are completed?
The Citizens Platform is therefore advocating for a legally binding framework that allows the reform process to continue regardless of changes in government or Parliament.
The concern is that without such a framework, the process could lose momentum, be interrupted or require a new government to start the work again.
THE ROLE OF CIVIC EDUCATION
But there is another equally important part of the conversation, public understanding.
How can citizens own a constitutional reform process if they do not understand the proposals?
How can people participate meaningfully if they do not know what is at stake?
And how can citizens hold institutions accountable if they are not adequately informed about the reforms and the responsibilities of the various institutions?
This makes civic education central to the process.
Civil society position papers and advocacy efforts have consequently emphasised the need for government to provide dedicated and sustained funding for civic education.
This should not be limited to Accra or major urban centres.
The conversation must reach communities across the country, including people who may have limited access to traditional media, digital platforms or formal civic education programmes.
The constitutional reform process therefore presents an opportunity to make civic education more accessible and inclusive.
WOMEN AND CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM
The reform debate is also opening space for discussions about women’s political representation and participation in governance.
The Affirmative Action Law Coalition, working with other women’s rights organisations, is preparing a position paper advocating proportional representation and the constitutional entrenchment of gender quotas.
This brings another important question into the national conversation:
Does constitutional reform provide an opportunity to address longstanding gaps in the representation of women in Ghana’s political and decision-making institutions?
The debate over gender representation will now form part of the broader conversation about what a more inclusive constitutional order should look like.
POLITICAL AND PUBLIC PARTICIPATION
The New Patriotic Party has also presented its position on the constitutional reform process, adding another political perspective to an already expanding national debate.
But constitutional reform should not become a conversation confined to political parties, lawyers, academics and government officials.
For the process to command broad public ownership, ordinary citizens must have opportunities to understand the proposals, express their views and participate in shaping the outcome.
The challenge, therefore, is not simply to review the Constitution, but to ensure that the review itself becomes a participatory democratic exercise.
CONCLUSION
Ghana is now at an important point in its constitutional journey.
The country has the opportunity to examine the structures that govern the exercise of political power, strengthen accountability, improve institutional checks and balances, expand citizen participation and address areas where the constitutional framework may no longer adequately respond to contemporary realities.
But the success of the process will ultimately depend not only on the quality of the proposals.
It will also depend on how those proposals are implemented, how citizens are educated, how widely the public is consulted, and whether the process can survive changes in government and Parliament.
The Citizens Platform is asking for a clear roadmap.
Women’s rights organisations are seeking stronger constitutional guarantees for representation.
Political parties are putting forward their positions.
And government has established a committee to begin the implementation work.
The critical question now is:
Will Ghana succeed in building a constitutional reform process that is transparent, inclusive and genuinely owned by its citizens?
Because ultimately, the Constitution is not simply a document for lawyers, politicians or government institutions.
It is the framework through which the rights, responsibilities and aspirations of the Ghanaian people are expressed, and its reform must therefore remain firmly centred on the people.
